Tidak banyak orang Jawa atau orang Indonesia yang tahu apa arti nama Jau di Portugal atau di Brazil, tapi sejarah menyebutkan bahwa Jau adalah nama seorang Jawa yang pernah berjasa membantu penyair termashyur Portugal bernama Luis de Camões.
Luis de Camões adalah seorang penyair Portugal yang namanya diabadikan dan dirayakan setiap tanggal 10 Juni setiap tahun sebagai Hari Luis de Camões. Tapi tidak akan pernaha ada yang namanya Luis de Camões kalau tidak pernah ada yang namanya Jau yang pernah bertindak sebagai tukang minta-minta untuk memberi makan kepada Luis de Camões hingga hayatnya.
Nama Jau sekarang jadi besar di Portugal dengan adanya nama jalan yang diberi dengan nama Rua Jau yang berdampingan dengan Rua Luis de Camões. Di São Paulo, Brazil ada kota yang diberi nama Jau dan di Portugal ada Restauran yang diberi nama Jau.
Berikut ini ada bukti bahwa ada sebuah nama kota Brazil yang diberi nama Jau atau Java.
O Pueri Domus Escolas Associadas realiza no próximo sábado a 2ª fase do Torneio InterAssociadas de Esportes
São Paulo, 13 de setembro de 2007 – Acontece no próximo dia 15 de setembro, sábado, na cidade de Jaú, a fase eliminatória do 7º Torneio InterAssociadas de Esportes para o Ensino Fundamental promovido pelo Pueri Domus Escolas Associadas. O evento tem como objetivo integrar alunos de todo o Estado de São Paulo por meio do esporte. A abertura será às 8h nos locais indicados abaixo.
O InterAssociadas é realizado pelo Pueri Domus Escolas Associadas desde o ano de 2001 e vem desenvolvendo um importante papel no estimulo a pratica de atividade física saudável e bem orientada. O evento receberá representantes das seguintes cidades: Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, Itápolis, Maracaí, Catanduva, Ourinhos, Jaú, Araçatuba, Assis, Dois Córregos e Araraquara.
O programa tem o patrocínio das empresas, Arcor, Servilog e Bic, além do apoio da loja A Esportiva, Nosso Recanto Acampamento (NR) e Experimento Intercâmbio Cultural. Este ano a competição inclui 115 equipes de Futsal e 45 equipes de Voleibol.
terça-feira, 9 de outubro de 2007
Budak Java Penyelamat Penyair Terkenal Portugal - Luis Camões
Segunda-feira, Dezembro 08, 2003
A história não autorizada de Luís Vaz de Camões
Tudo parece indicar que nasceu por volta de 1524/25, provavelmente em Lisboa e que pertencia à pequena nobreza. Fidalgo pobre nunca passou pela universidade. Vivendo ao deus-dará, boémio, bêbado, envolvia-se em rixas de taberna, e conhecia todos os malandros do seu tempo. Gostava particularmente das Putas do bairro alto. Camões não era Poeta. Era Punk. A rixa durante a procissão do Corpus Cristi que resultou na sua prisão, confirmam este facto.
Camões era anti-religião e anti-nacionalista. Foi por isso que fugiu tantas vezes de Portugal. Dizem que esteve em campanhas e guerras em prol da Pátria, mas é mentira. Em Ceuta a sua insubmissão custou-lhe o olho Esquerdo. (não foi o olho direito!!) Camões lutou sempre ao lado dos marroquinos em troca de xamon. Esteve em goa, e em Macau ocupou o cargo de Provedor dos defuntos e ausentes. Durante a sua estadia em Macau iniciou-se nos prazeres da pedofilia com uma jovem india Dinamene, e também na necrofilia com os cadáveres da provedoria. Foi esta jovem india a responsável por grande parte da obra camoniana, enquanto ele se ocupava dos defuntos ela escrevia poemas apaixonadíssima. A certa altura teve de fugir, quando descobriram as suas aberrações sexuais, pegou na jovem Dinamene e embarcaram os dois. Ao largo da Conchichina naufragaram. Ele estava podre de bêbado ela morreu na praia, depois de ter nadado milhas e milhas com Camões às costas. Foi ela que o salvou. Quando acordou agarrou no saco e partiu, lá dentro estavam todos os poemas de Dinamene, inclusive aquilo que mais tarde se chamaria Os Lusíadas. Voltou a Goa e depois rumou a Moçambique.
Mais uma vez arranjou um pequeno escravo de seu nome Jau. Este jovem acabou Os Lusíadas e foi o responsavel pela restante obra camoniana. Quando voltou a Lisboa obrigava Jau a Cravar trocos para cerveja. E quando camões adormecia de bêbado, Jau escrevia. Retocou todos os poemas de Dinamene e baptizou a obra épica. Certo dia conseguiu convencer Camões que os poemas tinham qualidade e que devia falar com rei. Assim foi. Conseguiu uma tença anual que gastava em cerveja, enquanto Jau que deixou de cravar trocos produzia a excelente obra literária que conhecemos hoje. Jau nunca abandonou Camões, mesmo depois de frequentar os altos círculos culturais da época, visitava Camões e deixava sempre alguns poemas que Camões assinava como sendo seus e vendia. Camões foi um Punk! Não foi à universidade, era pedófilo, zarolho e só sabia assinar o seu nome. Não foi ele que escreveu aquilo. Ele não era Poeta.
A história não autorizada de Luís Vaz de Camões
Tudo parece indicar que nasceu por volta de 1524/25, provavelmente em Lisboa e que pertencia à pequena nobreza. Fidalgo pobre nunca passou pela universidade. Vivendo ao deus-dará, boémio, bêbado, envolvia-se em rixas de taberna, e conhecia todos os malandros do seu tempo. Gostava particularmente das Putas do bairro alto. Camões não era Poeta. Era Punk. A rixa durante a procissão do Corpus Cristi que resultou na sua prisão, confirmam este facto.
Camões era anti-religião e anti-nacionalista. Foi por isso que fugiu tantas vezes de Portugal. Dizem que esteve em campanhas e guerras em prol da Pátria, mas é mentira. Em Ceuta a sua insubmissão custou-lhe o olho Esquerdo. (não foi o olho direito!!) Camões lutou sempre ao lado dos marroquinos em troca de xamon. Esteve em goa, e em Macau ocupou o cargo de Provedor dos defuntos e ausentes. Durante a sua estadia em Macau iniciou-se nos prazeres da pedofilia com uma jovem india Dinamene, e também na necrofilia com os cadáveres da provedoria. Foi esta jovem india a responsável por grande parte da obra camoniana, enquanto ele se ocupava dos defuntos ela escrevia poemas apaixonadíssima. A certa altura teve de fugir, quando descobriram as suas aberrações sexuais, pegou na jovem Dinamene e embarcaram os dois. Ao largo da Conchichina naufragaram. Ele estava podre de bêbado ela morreu na praia, depois de ter nadado milhas e milhas com Camões às costas. Foi ela que o salvou. Quando acordou agarrou no saco e partiu, lá dentro estavam todos os poemas de Dinamene, inclusive aquilo que mais tarde se chamaria Os Lusíadas. Voltou a Goa e depois rumou a Moçambique.
Mais uma vez arranjou um pequeno escravo de seu nome Jau. Este jovem acabou Os Lusíadas e foi o responsavel pela restante obra camoniana. Quando voltou a Lisboa obrigava Jau a Cravar trocos para cerveja. E quando camões adormecia de bêbado, Jau escrevia. Retocou todos os poemas de Dinamene e baptizou a obra épica. Certo dia conseguiu convencer Camões que os poemas tinham qualidade e que devia falar com rei. Assim foi. Conseguiu uma tença anual que gastava em cerveja, enquanto Jau que deixou de cravar trocos produzia a excelente obra literária que conhecemos hoje. Jau nunca abandonou Camões, mesmo depois de frequentar os altos círculos culturais da época, visitava Camões e deixava sempre alguns poemas que Camões assinava como sendo seus e vendia. Camões foi um Punk! Não foi à universidade, era pedófilo, zarolho e só sabia assinar o seu nome. Não foi ele que escreveu aquilo. Ele não era Poeta.
The Price of Peace
PCIJ (Philippine Center for Investigative Jornalism) - Monday, 08 October 2007
Crossborder: The Price of Peace
by Joseph Israel M. Laban
When public space migrates to the airwaves and the news pages, politics risks degenerating into a spectator sport.
Jakarta, Indonesia and Dili, East Timor — With intermittent applause and encouraging laughter, it was almost easy to forget that the imposing figure who had the floor was testifying about his alleged involvement in atrocities committed in East Timor in 1999. The speaker, after all, was the former commander of the Indonesian armed forces, and he was supposed to be a giving a public, factual testimony to the Indonesia and East Timor Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF). Yet given his audience’s nearly jocular mood and his easy manner, he may as well have been recounting his experiences in the 2004 presidential campaign trail.
Retired Indonesian armed forces general Wiranto was the officer in charge of security during the August 30, 1999 referendum in East Timor. A former Portuguese territory, East Timor came under Indonesian rule in late 1975. The United Nations-sponsored referendum saw East Timor voting to separate from Indonesia. Soon after, however, violence broke out, leading to the loss of more than 1,000 Timorese lives. Thousands of homes and buildings were also razed to the ground, almost wiping out the country’s economic infrastructure. Some 250,000 of the people were rendered homeless, and countless local women were said to have been raped. The rampage — believed by many to have been carried out by anti-independence Timorese militias supported by the Indonesian military — lasted several weeks. The nightmare stopped only with the arrival of multinational peacekeeping troops in late September 1999.
CTF was created in March 2005, a bilateral initiative of East Timor and Indonesia that was aimed at closing a bitter and highly sensitive chapter in the two countries’ shared history. More importantly, it was supposed to uncover the truth about the 1999 mayhem in East Timor. But even while its composition was still being drawn up, few believed the Commission would be able to achieve that particular goal.
CTF wound up its hearings late last month, when the likes of former East Timorese guerrilla leader and current prime minister Xanana Gusmao testified behind closed doors in Dili. Ordinary East Timorese, however, are not holding their breath over what CTF’s final report may say.
Indeed, throughout Southeast Asia, victims of large-scale atrocities committed or ordered by those who were in power have yet to see justice. Even Cambodia, which had a million of its people slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s, has yet to round up all the surviving leaders of the once mighty guerrilla group and have them tried by the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia.
At least the Cambodian tribunal has the support of the United Nations. The CTF — which can issue recommendations but has no mandate to prosecute anyone — cannot claim similar backing. The United Nations has called its proceedings a “whitewash” and even boycotted the Commission’s closed-door meetings. The head of the UN mission in East Timor in 1999, Ian Martin, was reportedly one of several UN officials who declined to testify before it.
Yet if the CTF’s report is deemed credible by the international community, it may effectively undermine the necessity of an international tribunal that will independently (albeit very publicly) investigate the 1999 tragedy in East Timor. Such a development would spare Indonesia further embarrassment, and presumably lead to an improved relationship between Jakarta and Dili. To many, however, that would mean a denial of justice to the victims of the 1999 atrocities.
The need for a strong message
At this juncture ''a trial at an international court would send a strong message to everyone that crimes against humanity will not be tolerated,” said Jose Luis de Oliveira, executive director of HAK Association, a human-rights organization based in Dili. “It would end the circle of impunity and would provide a measure of justice to the victims." Unfortunately, he said, the CTF was "just another effort to evade the principle of justice and allow the perpetrators to go unpunished. This time the whitewashing goes under the name of friendship."
It’s a view that is shared by many East Timorese. In East Timor — now also often referred to as Timor-Leste — some sectors even believe that former resistance leaders in the government share Indonesia’s eagerness in blocking a possible international crimes tribunal. Aside from scrutinizing crimes purportedly done by pro-Indonesian militia and the Indonesian military, they say a tribunal could also dig up allegations of crimes committed by the local guerilla movement during Indonesia’s more than two decades of occupation of East Timor.
Interviewed earlier this year, East Timor President Jose Ramos Horta vehemently denied these allegations. "It has absolutely nothing to do with that," said the Nobel Peace laureate. He also noted that the findings of a UN-sponsored commission that "only 20 percent of the crimes during the occupation were committed by the resistance.''
Dionisio Babu Soares, CTF’s Timor-Leste co-chairman, meanwhile professed to be "amazed" by the criticisms directed at the Commission. "This is a method that has been used by other commissions around the world but has not been criticized," he said, comparing the CTF to the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But he admitted that unlike its South African counterpart, the CTF "is not mandated to use a prosecutorial approach."
"If you are asking me as a lawyer, of course a formal court is the most credible,” he also said, when asked if he would support an international tribunal. “But if you are asking me as a commissioner exercising the mandate given to me by my president, I think the best way to resolve this case is through reconciliation and a non-prosecutorial approach."
Ramos Horta had a much simpler response. "I will not support the call for an international tribunal," he said. According to the East Timor president, his country and Indonesia are "new democracies" that cannot afford an overdrawn process that such a tribunal would entail. He also said that there is a host of pragmatic considerations for his young government. ''Justice,” said Ramos Horta, “cannot be blind to the social, economic, and political situations."
Indonesia is not only East Timor’s giant next-door neighbor; it is also its main trading partner. But Indonesian and East Timorese political analysts and human-rights advocates pointed out that East Timor can ill afford reinforcing the perception that it suffers from a “judicial deficit.” Which is, they said, what Wiranto’s testimony that sweltering Saturday afternoon last May in Jakarta seemed to demonstrate.
Waiting for Wiranto
The former military man (and ex-presidential candidate) had arrived at the crowded ballroom of Hotel Borubodur after lunch, and after a morning of wild speculation among several onlookers that he would not show up at all. Surrounded by a retinue of bodyguards, the 60-year-old looked quite relaxed even as he kept waving and shaking the hands of the people who behaved much like his fans. He was still smiling when he took an oath to tell the truth, a copy of the Holy Koran held above his head by an elderly cleric.
Wiranto’s appearance before the CTF was voluntary, just like those of the other prominent figures who had previously given their own testimonies. And just like theirs, his testimony’s direction became apparent within a couple of minutes into what would turn out to be a nearly two-hour speech. Predictably, and consistent with his past declarations, his version of events remained diametrically opposed to the findings of numerous investigations in Indonesia and East Timor. But the crowd that was in rapt attention did not seem to mind.
Or perhaps they just knew what he would be saying, since this was the same Wiranto who had tried to place the blame for the 1999 violence on the UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET). Earlier media reports had quoted him as saying that UNAMET’s failure to remain neutral during that historical moment sparked anger among East Timorese who, he said, felt they were being treated “unfairly.”
Then again, he was merely echoing the view of several Indonesian officials who have contended that UN personnel may have instigated electoral fraud to help East Timor’s pro-independence movement. According to the popular Indonesian daily Kompas, Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda had said the United Nations would benefit from its officials’ non-appearance before the CTF because “they would not want to have what is being called fraud by UNAMET to be uncovered.”
In any case, Wiranto testified that the 1999 violence in East Timor was nothing more than "ordinary crimes committed by both sides, not extraordinary crimes instigated by the military." Somehow, too, he managed to put some blame to Portugal, which he said "irresponsibly left East Timor, leaving it in a civil war."
He repeatedly insisted that "there were no government policies to attack civilians" and that "there were no systematic plans, no genocide, no crimes against humanity." And in between the scripted rhetoric in Bahasa Indonesia, he previewed a lengthy video presentation that was supposed to showcase his role as a broker of peace. He even launched on a spiel about giving peace a chance.
The four-star general stressed that the absence of gross human rights abuses in East Timor was confirmed by an ad-hoc court set up by the Indonesian government to try those who were allegedly involved in the 1999 violence. He was, however, referring to the same court that a UN commission had questioned two years earlier because of its supposedly flawed methods.
Damning conclusions in UN reports
The Commission of Experts (COE) was formed by the United Nations in February 2005. Its mission was to evaluate existing judicial processes and propose the next steps in holding accountable those responsible for serious crimes committed during the 1999 East Timor tragedy.
The COE subsequently found the trials of Indonesia's Ad-Hoc Human Rights Committee to be "manifestly inadequate" and "demonstrating scant respect for or conformity to relevant international standards." In comparison, it said, the trials conducted by the UN-supported Special Crimes Unit (SCU) and Special Panels in Timor-Leste had successfully attained a ''notable degree of accountability.'' But, the COE pointed out, efforts to move forward were being hampered by limited resources, inadequate support, weak political will of the East Timor government, and the dismissive attitude of Indonesian authorities.
Collectively known as serious-crimes processes, the SCU and Special Panels had been established by the UN Security Council in 2000. Investigations, prosecutions, and trials for crimes against humanity in East Timor fell under the SCU’s jurisdiction. Eventually, it indicted 392 people, including General Wiranto.
Overall, 85 people were convicted and two were acquitted. But more than 70 percent of those indicted remain free to this day, a development that can only be expected since most of the indictments were not followed through; Indonesia was also adamant about not recognizing the authority of the SCU, which was dissolved in June 2005.
And so some of those implicated by the SCU in the 1999 East Timor tragedy would even conspicuously continue holding high positions in the Indonesian government. For example, by the time he was brought to trial in 2002, Major General Adam Damiri, the Indonesian regional military commander in charge of East Timor in 1999, had assumed the post of Assistant for Operations to the Armed Forces Chief of General Staff.
As early as December 1999, a report filed by special rapporteurs of the UN Commission on Human Rights said there were clear indications that "the crimes committed in (East Timor) would not have been possible without planning and action at the highest levels of the Indonesian government and military." A month later, the UN International Commission of Inquiry concluded that "that there were patterns of gross violations of human rights and breaches of humanitarian law, which varied over time and took the form of systematic and widespread intimidation, humiliation and terror, destruction of property, violence against women and displacement of people."
It then recommended that United Nations "establish an international human rights tribunal consisting of judges appointed by the UN, preferably with participation of members from East Timor and Indonesia."
Instead, Indonesia and East Timor went on to form the Commission on Truth and Friendship — amid widespread opposition from Timor-Leste's Roman Catholic bishops, various international civil society groups, and even organizations based in the two countries.
A body under fire
The CTF is composed of five commissioners each from Indonesia and East Timor. Aside from being unable to recommend prosecution or other judicial measures, it also cannot compel individuals to testify or cooperate. It can, however, recommend amnesty for those who "cooperate fully." It is this provision that the United Nations has found particularly upsetting, and which it has tried to convince the Commission to get rid of.
In February 2007, the CTF began to hold public hearings in Bali and Jakarta after operating for almost two years quietly and under very limited public scrutiny. The May 5 hearing that saw Wiranto testify was the third of its kind in a span of just three months. Previously, the commission had also heard testimonies from a number of public figures from both countries, including former Indonesian President B.J. Habibie and former Dili Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo.
But critics of the Commission singled out several high-ranking Indonesian military and civilian officials for uttering statements that, they said, were "self-serving" and contradictory to "well-established historical record." Or as a report by the Timor-Leste Institute for Reconstruction Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk) put it, the CTF proceedings seemed to be meant to "clear the reputations of former and current Indonesian leaders and cast aspersions on the UN and other international institutions and legal processes'' more than anything else.
To La’o Hamutuk analyst Charles Scheiner, the Commission was "too concerned about building economic and political relationships rather than (seeking) justice." He added, "The commission has allowed itself to become a platform where lies are told."
At the very least, Wiranto was not made to account for any of the UN reports’ findings during the hearing. Not one of the commissioners brought them up. The East Timorese commissioners sat quietly as Wiranto said with intensity, "If I planned all those arson, then nothing would have been left there.” But the tersely enunciated line was met by approving laughter from the adoring crowd.
"If you look at Wiranto specifically, he was not here (in East Timor) when the militia burned down houses," CTF Co-Chairman Soares, who was not present during the hearing, said later. He also pointed out that the principle of "command responsibility" does not apply because "we are not talking about a formal justice system here, we are talking about approaching the cases through a political pathway but still using legal instruments to analyze it."
He said that the CTF would be addressing "only 14 cases (that) fulfill the criteria" that it developed, even though almost 500 murders committed during the 1999 violence have yet to be investigated by any official body. Soares said that due to the "enormous number" of human-rights violations committed in East Timor in 1999, the CTF had to narrow down the scope of the Commission's mandate with a set of predetermined standards. He said the criteria the commissioners agreed on are that the cases "are still living in the collective memory of the people, they still continue to be remembered every year, and third, it is still a question to the international community."
Few among General Wiranto’s audience that Saturday afternoon in the Indonesian capital had any first-hand memory of the carnage that took place in East Timor in 1999. They obviously were not there. The general’s speech was a hit, and most of those who heard him took home a tale of a war hero returning from the battlefield.
It is said that it is the victors who usually write and rewrite history. In the case of East Timor, however, there are times when it is simply not clear who won.
- Joseph Israel M. Laban is a senior producer at GMA-7.
He wrote this article as a participant in the 2007 Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) Journalism Fellowship Program.
Crossborder: The Price of Peace
by Joseph Israel M. Laban
When public space migrates to the airwaves and the news pages, politics risks degenerating into a spectator sport.
Jakarta, Indonesia and Dili, East Timor — With intermittent applause and encouraging laughter, it was almost easy to forget that the imposing figure who had the floor was testifying about his alleged involvement in atrocities committed in East Timor in 1999. The speaker, after all, was the former commander of the Indonesian armed forces, and he was supposed to be a giving a public, factual testimony to the Indonesia and East Timor Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF). Yet given his audience’s nearly jocular mood and his easy manner, he may as well have been recounting his experiences in the 2004 presidential campaign trail.
Retired Indonesian armed forces general Wiranto was the officer in charge of security during the August 30, 1999 referendum in East Timor. A former Portuguese territory, East Timor came under Indonesian rule in late 1975. The United Nations-sponsored referendum saw East Timor voting to separate from Indonesia. Soon after, however, violence broke out, leading to the loss of more than 1,000 Timorese lives. Thousands of homes and buildings were also razed to the ground, almost wiping out the country’s economic infrastructure. Some 250,000 of the people were rendered homeless, and countless local women were said to have been raped. The rampage — believed by many to have been carried out by anti-independence Timorese militias supported by the Indonesian military — lasted several weeks. The nightmare stopped only with the arrival of multinational peacekeeping troops in late September 1999.
CTF was created in March 2005, a bilateral initiative of East Timor and Indonesia that was aimed at closing a bitter and highly sensitive chapter in the two countries’ shared history. More importantly, it was supposed to uncover the truth about the 1999 mayhem in East Timor. But even while its composition was still being drawn up, few believed the Commission would be able to achieve that particular goal.
CTF wound up its hearings late last month, when the likes of former East Timorese guerrilla leader and current prime minister Xanana Gusmao testified behind closed doors in Dili. Ordinary East Timorese, however, are not holding their breath over what CTF’s final report may say.
Indeed, throughout Southeast Asia, victims of large-scale atrocities committed or ordered by those who were in power have yet to see justice. Even Cambodia, which had a million of its people slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s, has yet to round up all the surviving leaders of the once mighty guerrilla group and have them tried by the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia.
At least the Cambodian tribunal has the support of the United Nations. The CTF — which can issue recommendations but has no mandate to prosecute anyone — cannot claim similar backing. The United Nations has called its proceedings a “whitewash” and even boycotted the Commission’s closed-door meetings. The head of the UN mission in East Timor in 1999, Ian Martin, was reportedly one of several UN officials who declined to testify before it.
Yet if the CTF’s report is deemed credible by the international community, it may effectively undermine the necessity of an international tribunal that will independently (albeit very publicly) investigate the 1999 tragedy in East Timor. Such a development would spare Indonesia further embarrassment, and presumably lead to an improved relationship between Jakarta and Dili. To many, however, that would mean a denial of justice to the victims of the 1999 atrocities.
The need for a strong message
At this juncture ''a trial at an international court would send a strong message to everyone that crimes against humanity will not be tolerated,” said Jose Luis de Oliveira, executive director of HAK Association, a human-rights organization based in Dili. “It would end the circle of impunity and would provide a measure of justice to the victims." Unfortunately, he said, the CTF was "just another effort to evade the principle of justice and allow the perpetrators to go unpunished. This time the whitewashing goes under the name of friendship."
It’s a view that is shared by many East Timorese. In East Timor — now also often referred to as Timor-Leste — some sectors even believe that former resistance leaders in the government share Indonesia’s eagerness in blocking a possible international crimes tribunal. Aside from scrutinizing crimes purportedly done by pro-Indonesian militia and the Indonesian military, they say a tribunal could also dig up allegations of crimes committed by the local guerilla movement during Indonesia’s more than two decades of occupation of East Timor.
Interviewed earlier this year, East Timor President Jose Ramos Horta vehemently denied these allegations. "It has absolutely nothing to do with that," said the Nobel Peace laureate. He also noted that the findings of a UN-sponsored commission that "only 20 percent of the crimes during the occupation were committed by the resistance.''
Dionisio Babu Soares, CTF’s Timor-Leste co-chairman, meanwhile professed to be "amazed" by the criticisms directed at the Commission. "This is a method that has been used by other commissions around the world but has not been criticized," he said, comparing the CTF to the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But he admitted that unlike its South African counterpart, the CTF "is not mandated to use a prosecutorial approach."
"If you are asking me as a lawyer, of course a formal court is the most credible,” he also said, when asked if he would support an international tribunal. “But if you are asking me as a commissioner exercising the mandate given to me by my president, I think the best way to resolve this case is through reconciliation and a non-prosecutorial approach."
Ramos Horta had a much simpler response. "I will not support the call for an international tribunal," he said. According to the East Timor president, his country and Indonesia are "new democracies" that cannot afford an overdrawn process that such a tribunal would entail. He also said that there is a host of pragmatic considerations for his young government. ''Justice,” said Ramos Horta, “cannot be blind to the social, economic, and political situations."
Indonesia is not only East Timor’s giant next-door neighbor; it is also its main trading partner. But Indonesian and East Timorese political analysts and human-rights advocates pointed out that East Timor can ill afford reinforcing the perception that it suffers from a “judicial deficit.” Which is, they said, what Wiranto’s testimony that sweltering Saturday afternoon last May in Jakarta seemed to demonstrate.
Waiting for Wiranto
The former military man (and ex-presidential candidate) had arrived at the crowded ballroom of Hotel Borubodur after lunch, and after a morning of wild speculation among several onlookers that he would not show up at all. Surrounded by a retinue of bodyguards, the 60-year-old looked quite relaxed even as he kept waving and shaking the hands of the people who behaved much like his fans. He was still smiling when he took an oath to tell the truth, a copy of the Holy Koran held above his head by an elderly cleric.
Wiranto’s appearance before the CTF was voluntary, just like those of the other prominent figures who had previously given their own testimonies. And just like theirs, his testimony’s direction became apparent within a couple of minutes into what would turn out to be a nearly two-hour speech. Predictably, and consistent with his past declarations, his version of events remained diametrically opposed to the findings of numerous investigations in Indonesia and East Timor. But the crowd that was in rapt attention did not seem to mind.
Or perhaps they just knew what he would be saying, since this was the same Wiranto who had tried to place the blame for the 1999 violence on the UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET). Earlier media reports had quoted him as saying that UNAMET’s failure to remain neutral during that historical moment sparked anger among East Timorese who, he said, felt they were being treated “unfairly.”
Then again, he was merely echoing the view of several Indonesian officials who have contended that UN personnel may have instigated electoral fraud to help East Timor’s pro-independence movement. According to the popular Indonesian daily Kompas, Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda had said the United Nations would benefit from its officials’ non-appearance before the CTF because “they would not want to have what is being called fraud by UNAMET to be uncovered.”
In any case, Wiranto testified that the 1999 violence in East Timor was nothing more than "ordinary crimes committed by both sides, not extraordinary crimes instigated by the military." Somehow, too, he managed to put some blame to Portugal, which he said "irresponsibly left East Timor, leaving it in a civil war."
He repeatedly insisted that "there were no government policies to attack civilians" and that "there were no systematic plans, no genocide, no crimes against humanity." And in between the scripted rhetoric in Bahasa Indonesia, he previewed a lengthy video presentation that was supposed to showcase his role as a broker of peace. He even launched on a spiel about giving peace a chance.
The four-star general stressed that the absence of gross human rights abuses in East Timor was confirmed by an ad-hoc court set up by the Indonesian government to try those who were allegedly involved in the 1999 violence. He was, however, referring to the same court that a UN commission had questioned two years earlier because of its supposedly flawed methods.
Damning conclusions in UN reports
The Commission of Experts (COE) was formed by the United Nations in February 2005. Its mission was to evaluate existing judicial processes and propose the next steps in holding accountable those responsible for serious crimes committed during the 1999 East Timor tragedy.
The COE subsequently found the trials of Indonesia's Ad-Hoc Human Rights Committee to be "manifestly inadequate" and "demonstrating scant respect for or conformity to relevant international standards." In comparison, it said, the trials conducted by the UN-supported Special Crimes Unit (SCU) and Special Panels in Timor-Leste had successfully attained a ''notable degree of accountability.'' But, the COE pointed out, efforts to move forward were being hampered by limited resources, inadequate support, weak political will of the East Timor government, and the dismissive attitude of Indonesian authorities.
Collectively known as serious-crimes processes, the SCU and Special Panels had been established by the UN Security Council in 2000. Investigations, prosecutions, and trials for crimes against humanity in East Timor fell under the SCU’s jurisdiction. Eventually, it indicted 392 people, including General Wiranto.
Overall, 85 people were convicted and two were acquitted. But more than 70 percent of those indicted remain free to this day, a development that can only be expected since most of the indictments were not followed through; Indonesia was also adamant about not recognizing the authority of the SCU, which was dissolved in June 2005.
And so some of those implicated by the SCU in the 1999 East Timor tragedy would even conspicuously continue holding high positions in the Indonesian government. For example, by the time he was brought to trial in 2002, Major General Adam Damiri, the Indonesian regional military commander in charge of East Timor in 1999, had assumed the post of Assistant for Operations to the Armed Forces Chief of General Staff.
As early as December 1999, a report filed by special rapporteurs of the UN Commission on Human Rights said there were clear indications that "the crimes committed in (East Timor) would not have been possible without planning and action at the highest levels of the Indonesian government and military." A month later, the UN International Commission of Inquiry concluded that "that there were patterns of gross violations of human rights and breaches of humanitarian law, which varied over time and took the form of systematic and widespread intimidation, humiliation and terror, destruction of property, violence against women and displacement of people."
It then recommended that United Nations "establish an international human rights tribunal consisting of judges appointed by the UN, preferably with participation of members from East Timor and Indonesia."
Instead, Indonesia and East Timor went on to form the Commission on Truth and Friendship — amid widespread opposition from Timor-Leste's Roman Catholic bishops, various international civil society groups, and even organizations based in the two countries.
A body under fire
The CTF is composed of five commissioners each from Indonesia and East Timor. Aside from being unable to recommend prosecution or other judicial measures, it also cannot compel individuals to testify or cooperate. It can, however, recommend amnesty for those who "cooperate fully." It is this provision that the United Nations has found particularly upsetting, and which it has tried to convince the Commission to get rid of.
In February 2007, the CTF began to hold public hearings in Bali and Jakarta after operating for almost two years quietly and under very limited public scrutiny. The May 5 hearing that saw Wiranto testify was the third of its kind in a span of just three months. Previously, the commission had also heard testimonies from a number of public figures from both countries, including former Indonesian President B.J. Habibie and former Dili Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo.
But critics of the Commission singled out several high-ranking Indonesian military and civilian officials for uttering statements that, they said, were "self-serving" and contradictory to "well-established historical record." Or as a report by the Timor-Leste Institute for Reconstruction Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk) put it, the CTF proceedings seemed to be meant to "clear the reputations of former and current Indonesian leaders and cast aspersions on the UN and other international institutions and legal processes'' more than anything else.
To La’o Hamutuk analyst Charles Scheiner, the Commission was "too concerned about building economic and political relationships rather than (seeking) justice." He added, "The commission has allowed itself to become a platform where lies are told."
At the very least, Wiranto was not made to account for any of the UN reports’ findings during the hearing. Not one of the commissioners brought them up. The East Timorese commissioners sat quietly as Wiranto said with intensity, "If I planned all those arson, then nothing would have been left there.” But the tersely enunciated line was met by approving laughter from the adoring crowd.
"If you look at Wiranto specifically, he was not here (in East Timor) when the militia burned down houses," CTF Co-Chairman Soares, who was not present during the hearing, said later. He also pointed out that the principle of "command responsibility" does not apply because "we are not talking about a formal justice system here, we are talking about approaching the cases through a political pathway but still using legal instruments to analyze it."
He said that the CTF would be addressing "only 14 cases (that) fulfill the criteria" that it developed, even though almost 500 murders committed during the 1999 violence have yet to be investigated by any official body. Soares said that due to the "enormous number" of human-rights violations committed in East Timor in 1999, the CTF had to narrow down the scope of the Commission's mandate with a set of predetermined standards. He said the criteria the commissioners agreed on are that the cases "are still living in the collective memory of the people, they still continue to be remembered every year, and third, it is still a question to the international community."
Few among General Wiranto’s audience that Saturday afternoon in the Indonesian capital had any first-hand memory of the carnage that took place in East Timor in 1999. They obviously were not there. The general’s speech was a hit, and most of those who heard him took home a tale of a war hero returning from the battlefield.
It is said that it is the victors who usually write and rewrite history. In the case of East Timor, however, there are times when it is simply not clear who won.
- Joseph Israel M. Laban is a senior producer at GMA-7.
He wrote this article as a participant in the 2007 Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) Journalism Fellowship Program.
segunda-feira, 8 de outubro de 2007
Laos Absurdu Timor Loromonu Ukun Rasik A'an
Belun Jacinto,
Hau apresia ita bot nia komentario e ita bot nia proposta atu bele fo aten brani ba ita nia maluk sira nebe mak gosta hakerek atu fo argumentus bainhira lasimu ema seluk nia analize. Ita hotu hatene katak buat hakerek ne'e laos buat fasil ida. Laiha ema barak mak iha jeito atu hakerek. Ema balu bele hakerek linha ida deit maibe lahatene oin sa atu tutan lia fuan hodi sai artigu bot ida. Ne'e duni hau hato'o hau nia apresiasaun ba hau nia belun Jacinto nebe fo hanoin ba ita nia maluk lenain sira atu fo kontra argumento bainhira lasimu ema seluk nia analize.
Tuir los hau laiha interese ona atu koalia tan buat ida kona ba Timor tanba hau mos iha serbisu barak atu halo ho iha bisnis barak atu halao. Maibe hau hakarak halo exercisiu ida hodi hakerek tanba hau hakarak aprende hakerek ho Dalen Tetun i atu hakerek barak, hau tenki hakerek buat ida nebe hau hatene i buat ida nebe hau senti katak ema seluk gosta le no mos fo komentario.
Se hau hanoin atu hakerek didiak karik, hau lasei hamoe an atu hakerek buat ida ke laiha base ou mamuk hanesan ita nia kolega Joe dehan ne'e. Maibe ita hotu hatene se mak ita nia belun Joe ne'e. Ita nia belun ne'e sempre iha buat negativu deit kona ba ema seluk nia hanoin, maibe dala ruma nia lafo argumento atu bele soporta nia ideia hirak ne'e.
Hau hanoin buat nebe mak hau koalia kona diferensa entre "buronan kriminal" ho "beligerent" ou "freedom fighter" ne'e hanesan teoria ida ou analize ida ba lenain hirak nebe mak lahatene diferensa entre terminologia rua ne'e.
Hau hanoin teoria ka analize hotu hahu husi buat ida nebe ema seluk lafiar ou sira bolu dehan absurdu (tidak masuk akal), hampa, laiha base, hsst, maibe historia siensia nian hatudu mai ita katak iha buat barak mak ema lafiar maibe ikus mai sira mos simu buat ne'e hanesan teoria ida los ninian.
Kona ba Timor atu fahe ba rua ka fahe ba tulu ka fahe ba sanulu, se mak dehan laiha possibilidade. Ita hare deit iha loron ida ohin nee (dia 8 de Outubro 2007) sai ona informasaun katak iha grupu mak hakarak fahe nasaun Beljika ba rua. Grupu ETA nian iha Espanha sei luta nafatin atu hari nasaun Bask ida ketak husi Espanha.
Buat hirak ne'e hotu iha possibilidade, falta deit ema bulak ida hanesan Hitler mak tuku tur mehi mai hakarak hari nasaun Aria ida iha mundu tomak i komesa hahu funu hodi oho hotu ema hirak nebe sira la gosta.
Ita hare iha historia katak iha luta ba ukun an balu mak fo resultadu to'o ukun a'an hanesan Timor nian. Iha mos luta ba ukun a'an balu mak lato'o ou seidauk to'o sira nia objectivu ukun a'an hanesan OPM iha Papua/Irian Jaya. RMS iha Maluku, GAM iha Aceh, Mouros iha Filipina, Parentil iha Timor, hsst. Portanto, basta mosu ema bulak ida hodi halo buat bulak ida nebe ita ho matan mos bele dehan absurdo ka "hampa" ka laiha base.
Se mak bele konvense hau katak estadu 50 iha Amerika ne'e sei metin nafatin i nunka nakfera atu ukun a'an. Se mak bele konvense hau katak Indonesia sei metin nafatin i sei la nakfera ba nasaun kiik-kiik iha loron oin mai? Laiha buat ida mak metin iha mundu ne'e. Buat hotu-hotu bele muda hanesan loron ba kalan hanesan Tsumani nebe mosu iha Aceh iha loron 26 Dezembro 2004 nebe oho ema rihun atus tolu resin iha oras ida nia laran deit.
Atu habadak hau bele dehan katak, Alfredo bele muda nia ideia iha loron ida ba loron seluk. Ninia mudansa bele mosu mesmo ke hau la koalia hanesan agora nebe belum balu interpreta katak hau hanorin fali Alfredo. Mudanse ne'e bele mosu hanesan hau dehan katak presiza deit ema bulak ida nebe aten brani hodi halu mudansa.
Se kazu Alfredo tur iha ailaran hanoin ba lato'o oin sa nia sei ba sulan iha kadeia lagoza tan nia vida ho nia gostu durante tinan hira iha kadeia, entaun nia bele bulak sae i mosu hanoin ruma nebe ita bele dehan ema bulak deit mak halo. Se mak Alfredu bulak duni i nia halo deklarasaun Timor Loromono Independente, hau atu hare tok belun Joe ne'e atu dehan saida los.
Se belun Joe dehan hau nia analize "hampa" ne'e entaun belun fo tok belun nia razaun mai. Belun dehan tok mai se iha tendensia atu Alfredo hili tama kadeia nebe nia sei lakon liberdade ka nia hili deklara Timor Loromonu Merdeka nebe sei bele promete nia ba liberdade. Fo tok razaun mai se nia hili dalan ida oin sa i se nia hili dalan seluk oin sa. Se bele mos halo tok analize ida kona ba presedensia lei nian nebe iha impaktu iha loron oin mai karik governo fo amnestia ba Alfredo.
Hau agradese ba lenain sira nebe respeita ema seluk nia ideia.
Hakuak Bot ida ba lenain sira hotu.
Basilio Araujo
Jacinto Roberto Savio wrote:
Hai saudara Joe,saya sebagai pembaca article saudara BA ini dan menurut saya ada baiknya juga. kalau memang ada analisis yang konyol dan hampa harus menberikan arugument dong dan menujukan analisis hampahnya dan konyolnya. karena kita saling mengkoreksi adalah budaya kita untuk salaing memperbaiki. kalau hanya bilang konyol dan dan hampa semua orang juga mampu berkata demikian. tapi juntuykanlah dan jangan hanya bertugas menghakimi orang lain tapi belajarlah untuk menyerima orang lain punya idea walapun orangnya tidak satu idiologi politik dengan kita. jadi please dont point one finger to your friend but you never know that there are more fingers point back to you.ohin mak nee lai e hakukak boot ba maluk sira hotu.Into
Jacinto
Joe ribeirowrote:
Hi all,
Saya cuma mau bilang bahwa artikelnya BA di bawah adalah sebuah analisis yang konyol, hampa dan tidak masuk di akal...
salam,
JR
Hau apresia ita bot nia komentario e ita bot nia proposta atu bele fo aten brani ba ita nia maluk sira nebe mak gosta hakerek atu fo argumentus bainhira lasimu ema seluk nia analize. Ita hotu hatene katak buat hakerek ne'e laos buat fasil ida. Laiha ema barak mak iha jeito atu hakerek. Ema balu bele hakerek linha ida deit maibe lahatene oin sa atu tutan lia fuan hodi sai artigu bot ida. Ne'e duni hau hato'o hau nia apresiasaun ba hau nia belun Jacinto nebe fo hanoin ba ita nia maluk lenain sira atu fo kontra argumento bainhira lasimu ema seluk nia analize.
Tuir los hau laiha interese ona atu koalia tan buat ida kona ba Timor tanba hau mos iha serbisu barak atu halo ho iha bisnis barak atu halao. Maibe hau hakarak halo exercisiu ida hodi hakerek tanba hau hakarak aprende hakerek ho Dalen Tetun i atu hakerek barak, hau tenki hakerek buat ida nebe hau hatene i buat ida nebe hau senti katak ema seluk gosta le no mos fo komentario.
Se hau hanoin atu hakerek didiak karik, hau lasei hamoe an atu hakerek buat ida ke laiha base ou mamuk hanesan ita nia kolega Joe dehan ne'e. Maibe ita hotu hatene se mak ita nia belun Joe ne'e. Ita nia belun ne'e sempre iha buat negativu deit kona ba ema seluk nia hanoin, maibe dala ruma nia lafo argumento atu bele soporta nia ideia hirak ne'e.
Hau hanoin buat nebe mak hau koalia kona diferensa entre "buronan kriminal" ho "beligerent" ou "freedom fighter" ne'e hanesan teoria ida ou analize ida ba lenain hirak nebe mak lahatene diferensa entre terminologia rua ne'e.
Hau hanoin teoria ka analize hotu hahu husi buat ida nebe ema seluk lafiar ou sira bolu dehan absurdu (tidak masuk akal), hampa, laiha base, hsst, maibe historia siensia nian hatudu mai ita katak iha buat barak mak ema lafiar maibe ikus mai sira mos simu buat ne'e hanesan teoria ida los ninian.
Kona ba Timor atu fahe ba rua ka fahe ba tulu ka fahe ba sanulu, se mak dehan laiha possibilidade. Ita hare deit iha loron ida ohin nee (dia 8 de Outubro 2007) sai ona informasaun katak iha grupu mak hakarak fahe nasaun Beljika ba rua. Grupu ETA nian iha Espanha sei luta nafatin atu hari nasaun Bask ida ketak husi Espanha.
Buat hirak ne'e hotu iha possibilidade, falta deit ema bulak ida hanesan Hitler mak tuku tur mehi mai hakarak hari nasaun Aria ida iha mundu tomak i komesa hahu funu hodi oho hotu ema hirak nebe sira la gosta.
Ita hare iha historia katak iha luta ba ukun an balu mak fo resultadu to'o ukun a'an hanesan Timor nian. Iha mos luta ba ukun a'an balu mak lato'o ou seidauk to'o sira nia objectivu ukun a'an hanesan OPM iha Papua/Irian Jaya. RMS iha Maluku, GAM iha Aceh, Mouros iha Filipina, Parentil iha Timor, hsst. Portanto, basta mosu ema bulak ida hodi halo buat bulak ida nebe ita ho matan mos bele dehan absurdo ka "hampa" ka laiha base.
Se mak bele konvense hau katak estadu 50 iha Amerika ne'e sei metin nafatin i nunka nakfera atu ukun a'an. Se mak bele konvense hau katak Indonesia sei metin nafatin i sei la nakfera ba nasaun kiik-kiik iha loron oin mai? Laiha buat ida mak metin iha mundu ne'e. Buat hotu-hotu bele muda hanesan loron ba kalan hanesan Tsumani nebe mosu iha Aceh iha loron 26 Dezembro 2004 nebe oho ema rihun atus tolu resin iha oras ida nia laran deit.
Atu habadak hau bele dehan katak, Alfredo bele muda nia ideia iha loron ida ba loron seluk. Ninia mudansa bele mosu mesmo ke hau la koalia hanesan agora nebe belum balu interpreta katak hau hanorin fali Alfredo. Mudanse ne'e bele mosu hanesan hau dehan katak presiza deit ema bulak ida nebe aten brani hodi halu mudansa.
Se kazu Alfredo tur iha ailaran hanoin ba lato'o oin sa nia sei ba sulan iha kadeia lagoza tan nia vida ho nia gostu durante tinan hira iha kadeia, entaun nia bele bulak sae i mosu hanoin ruma nebe ita bele dehan ema bulak deit mak halo. Se mak Alfredu bulak duni i nia halo deklarasaun Timor Loromono Independente, hau atu hare tok belun Joe ne'e atu dehan saida los.
Se belun Joe dehan hau nia analize "hampa" ne'e entaun belun fo tok belun nia razaun mai. Belun dehan tok mai se iha tendensia atu Alfredo hili tama kadeia nebe nia sei lakon liberdade ka nia hili deklara Timor Loromonu Merdeka nebe sei bele promete nia ba liberdade. Fo tok razaun mai se nia hili dalan ida oin sa i se nia hili dalan seluk oin sa. Se bele mos halo tok analize ida kona ba presedensia lei nian nebe iha impaktu iha loron oin mai karik governo fo amnestia ba Alfredo.
Hau agradese ba lenain sira nebe respeita ema seluk nia ideia.
Hakuak Bot ida ba lenain sira hotu.
Basilio Araujo
Jacinto Roberto Savio
Hai saudara Joe,saya sebagai pembaca article saudara BA ini dan menurut saya ada baiknya juga. kalau memang ada analisis yang konyol dan hampa harus menberikan arugument dong dan menujukan analisis hampahnya dan konyolnya. karena kita saling mengkoreksi adalah budaya kita untuk salaing memperbaiki. kalau hanya bilang konyol dan dan hampa semua orang juga mampu berkata demikian. tapi juntuykanlah dan jangan hanya bertugas menghakimi orang lain tapi belajarlah untuk menyerima orang lain punya idea walapun orangnya tidak satu idiologi politik dengan kita. jadi please dont point one finger to your friend but you never know that there are more fingers point back to you.ohin mak nee lai e hakukak boot ba maluk sira hotu.Into
Jacinto
Joe ribeiro
Hi all,
Saya cuma mau bilang bahwa artikelnya BA di bawah adalah sebuah analisis yang konyol, hampa dan tidak masuk di akal...
salam,
JR
domingo, 7 de outubro de 2007
Wajar Railos dan Alfredo ditangkap
Sangat tidak mengherankan kalau Railos ditangkap dan juga sangat tidak mengherankan kalau Alfredo ditangkap. Sayang, kalau saya tidak salah, pasal mengenai subversi yang ada pada Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana Indonesia yang masih dipakai di Timor Leste sudah dihapus sehingga perbuatan Railos dan Alfredo dkk, paling hanya kena tindakan kriminal biasa. Tinggal apakah hakim nanti akan menghukum mereka dengan tuduhan pembunuhan terencana atau tidak, hal mana bisa memberatkan atau meringankan.
Alfredo sendiri, sekarang sudah tidak ada pilihan lain selain hanya tunggu ditangkap dan menjalankan hukuman karena Alfredo tidak bisa mendalilkan bahwa dia masih tetap sebagai tentara karena sebagai tentara, dia harus punya disiplin hadir setiap hari di markasnya. Tapi kenyataan dia sudah tidak mematuhi disiplin dasar tentara yaitu hadir di markasnya setiap hari. Maka otomatis, dia dikategorikan mangkir dari tempat tugas alias dikategorikan disersi dari dinas kemiliteran. Dengan demikian gugur tuntutan dia bahwa dia masih tetap sebagai tentara. Dengan demikian maka status Alfredo adalah buronan atas tindakan kriminal dan disersi dari dinas kemiliteran kalau memang ada undang-undang tentara yang meliputi perbuatan demikian.
Bagi Alfredo hanya ada dua pilihan. Pertama, menyerahkan diri agar dihukum seumur hidup atas perbuatanya atau ; Kedua, dia memilih jalan radikal dengan memproklamirkan Timor Loromonu Merdeka. Dengan demikian dia masih ada posisi tawar politik atau bargaining position untuk menuntut putusan politik dari Negara Timor Leste bahwa kalau tuntutan penyelesaian kasusnya dengan putusan politis tidak terpenuhi maka dia akan memproklamirkan kemerdekaan bagi Timor Loromunu. Dengan move seperti ini, maka posisi Alfredo akan beralih dari disertir atau kriminal buronan menjadi pemberontak (beligerent) dan dia bisa meminta perlindungan hukum Internasional kepada PBB sebagai pemberontak yang ingin memerdekakan suatu wilayah. Urusan PBB akan memberikan perlindungan atau ada negara yang ingin mengakui perjuangannya untuk memerdekakan Timor Loromonu, itu adalah hal lain. Yang penting dia merubah haluan dari buronan negara menjadi pemberontak (freedom fighter) yang ingin melepaskan diri dari negara induk.
Dengan dia memproklamirkan kemerdekaan bagi negara Timor Loromonu, maka ada peluang bagi dia untuk mencari pengakuan negara lain seperti posisi Taiwan dengan Cina. Dengan demikian dia bisa meminta PBB untuk meminta negara Timor Leste tidak memburunya sebagai buronan kriminal. Dia bisa mulai membangun kekuatan tentaranya seperti Taiwan terhadap Cina. Dia bisa mulai menerbitkan pasportnya seperti Taiwan. Dia bisa memulai hubungan dagang dengan negara2 yang ingin melakukan hubungan dagang dengannya. Dan dia bisa meminta bagian dari hasil Timor Gap untuk dibagikan kepada Negara Timor Loromonu.
Dengan move seperti ini, status Alfredo akan berubah dari kriminal yang diburu negara menjadi pemberontak yang harus dilindungi oleh hukum internasional dengan status sebagai "beligerent" atau "freedom fighter". Statusnya akan menjadi seperti Falintil di masa perjuangan. Hanya perbedaannya, pada waktu itu Falintil tidak bisa memulai menjalin hubungan dagang dengan negara lain karena dia tidak menguasai suatu wilayah yang berbatasan langsung dengan negara lain. Hal mana akan berbeda bagi Alfredo jika dia memproklamirkan Covalima atau Oecusse sebagai Ibu kota negara Timor Loromonu dan kedua kota ini mempunyai perbatasan langsung dengan Indonesia, sehingga Negara Timor Loromonu ini bisa langsung melakukan kontak dagang dengan Indonesia, hal mana bisa diterima Indonesia sebagaimana hubungan dagang antara Indonesia dengan Taiwan yang tidak mempengaruhi hubungan politik antara Cina dan Indonesia.
Semuanya tentu akan dikembalikan kepada jiwa aventurir dari Alfredo dkk untuk memilih mendekam di penjara seumur hidup atau mencari peluang politik lain yang dapat memberinya kebebasan untuk menghirup udara bebas sebagai orang yang tetap dihormati dan membangun suatu negara yang mungkin akan lebih baik dari Timor Leste karena mungkin Timor Loromonu akan mendapatkan lebih banyak jatah Timor Gap dibandingkan negara Timor Leste seandainya Negara Timor Leste tinggal wilayah Baucau, Viqueque dan Lospolos, dan semua wilayah lainnya memilih bergabung dengan negara Timor Loromonu. (Salah mimpi kali yeee si Alfredo).
Salam untuk semua pembaca.
Basilio Araujo
Alfredo sendiri, sekarang sudah tidak ada pilihan lain selain hanya tunggu ditangkap dan menjalankan hukuman karena Alfredo tidak bisa mendalilkan bahwa dia masih tetap sebagai tentara karena sebagai tentara, dia harus punya disiplin hadir setiap hari di markasnya. Tapi kenyataan dia sudah tidak mematuhi disiplin dasar tentara yaitu hadir di markasnya setiap hari. Maka otomatis, dia dikategorikan mangkir dari tempat tugas alias dikategorikan disersi dari dinas kemiliteran. Dengan demikian gugur tuntutan dia bahwa dia masih tetap sebagai tentara. Dengan demikian maka status Alfredo adalah buronan atas tindakan kriminal dan disersi dari dinas kemiliteran kalau memang ada undang-undang tentara yang meliputi perbuatan demikian.
Bagi Alfredo hanya ada dua pilihan. Pertama, menyerahkan diri agar dihukum seumur hidup atas perbuatanya atau ; Kedua, dia memilih jalan radikal dengan memproklamirkan Timor Loromonu Merdeka. Dengan demikian dia masih ada posisi tawar politik atau bargaining position untuk menuntut putusan politik dari Negara Timor Leste bahwa kalau tuntutan penyelesaian kasusnya dengan putusan politis tidak terpenuhi maka dia akan memproklamirkan kemerdekaan bagi Timor Loromunu. Dengan move seperti ini, maka posisi Alfredo akan beralih dari disertir atau kriminal buronan menjadi pemberontak (beligerent) dan dia bisa meminta perlindungan hukum Internasional kepada PBB sebagai pemberontak yang ingin memerdekakan suatu wilayah. Urusan PBB akan memberikan perlindungan atau ada negara yang ingin mengakui perjuangannya untuk memerdekakan Timor Loromonu, itu adalah hal lain. Yang penting dia merubah haluan dari buronan negara menjadi pemberontak (freedom fighter) yang ingin melepaskan diri dari negara induk.
Dengan dia memproklamirkan kemerdekaan bagi negara Timor Loromonu, maka ada peluang bagi dia untuk mencari pengakuan negara lain seperti posisi Taiwan dengan Cina. Dengan demikian dia bisa meminta PBB untuk meminta negara Timor Leste tidak memburunya sebagai buronan kriminal. Dia bisa mulai membangun kekuatan tentaranya seperti Taiwan terhadap Cina. Dia bisa mulai menerbitkan pasportnya seperti Taiwan. Dia bisa memulai hubungan dagang dengan negara2 yang ingin melakukan hubungan dagang dengannya. Dan dia bisa meminta bagian dari hasil Timor Gap untuk dibagikan kepada Negara Timor Loromonu.
Dengan move seperti ini, status Alfredo akan berubah dari kriminal yang diburu negara menjadi pemberontak yang harus dilindungi oleh hukum internasional dengan status sebagai "beligerent" atau "freedom fighter". Statusnya akan menjadi seperti Falintil di masa perjuangan. Hanya perbedaannya, pada waktu itu Falintil tidak bisa memulai menjalin hubungan dagang dengan negara lain karena dia tidak menguasai suatu wilayah yang berbatasan langsung dengan negara lain. Hal mana akan berbeda bagi Alfredo jika dia memproklamirkan Covalima atau Oecusse sebagai Ibu kota negara Timor Loromonu dan kedua kota ini mempunyai perbatasan langsung dengan Indonesia, sehingga Negara Timor Loromonu ini bisa langsung melakukan kontak dagang dengan Indonesia, hal mana bisa diterima Indonesia sebagaimana hubungan dagang antara Indonesia dengan Taiwan yang tidak mempengaruhi hubungan politik antara Cina dan Indonesia.
Semuanya tentu akan dikembalikan kepada jiwa aventurir dari Alfredo dkk untuk memilih mendekam di penjara seumur hidup atau mencari peluang politik lain yang dapat memberinya kebebasan untuk menghirup udara bebas sebagai orang yang tetap dihormati dan membangun suatu negara yang mungkin akan lebih baik dari Timor Leste karena mungkin Timor Loromonu akan mendapatkan lebih banyak jatah Timor Gap dibandingkan negara Timor Leste seandainya Negara Timor Leste tinggal wilayah Baucau, Viqueque dan Lospolos, dan semua wilayah lainnya memilih bergabung dengan negara Timor Loromonu. (Salah mimpi kali yeee si Alfredo).
Salam untuk semua pembaca.
Basilio Araujo
40 Steps of Kizomba Dance
By Basilio Dias Araujo *)
A Brief Picture of Kizomba Dance
Kizomba is one of the most popular styles of dance and music in the lusophone African countries. Sung in Portuguese or Portuguese creole, it is a genre of music with a romantic flow mixed with African rhythm.
Kizomba is native to Angola, with influences from other Lusophone countries. It is also danced in other Portuguese speaking countries and also in Portugal. It is known for having a slow, insistent, somewhat harsh, yet sensuous rhythm, and is considered to be a fusion of semba (a predecessor of samba) with music styles from the French Caribbean Islands mainly the Martinican Zouk and today kizomba has developed a soul of its own.
It is ideally danced accompanied by a partner, very smoothly and slowly, though not too tightly. A rather large degree of flexibility in the knees is required, owing to the frequent requirement that dancers bob up and down in a manner reminiscent of a music-hall policeman.
The influence of Angolan kizomba is felt in most Portuguese African countries and also in Portugal (mostly in Lisbon and surrounding suburbs such as Amadora or Almada), where communities of immigrants have established clubs centered on the genre in a renewed kizomba style. Kizomba is now also quite popular among non-Angolan people that come to these clubs in growing numbers.
In Angola most clubs are based in Luanda. Famous Angolan kizomba musicians include Don Kikas, Calo Pascoal and Irmãos Verdades, among many others, but Bonga is probably the best known Angolan artist, having helped popularize the style both in Angola and Portugal during the 1970s and 1980s.
The younger Angolan generation has made use of the technology available and almost daily a new kizomba song is in the market. Top artists include Don Kikas, Paulo Flores, Eduardo Paim, Maya Cool, MC Dog Murras, MC Mauro Madaleno to name a few. Lately a new beat has emerged, called tarraxinha and is very much in vogue in the Angolan nightlife.
The Sãotomean kizomba is very similar to the Angolan, Juka is the most notable among the Sãotomeans, but it is also one of the most notable performers in the genre.
The Capeverdean version of kizomba is called pasada, kola-zouk, zouk-love or cabo-love. It is divergent from Angolan kizomba due to the language used (often Capeverdean Creole instead of Portuguese), a somewhat more romantic Capeverdean kizomba is the sub-genre named Cabo love. Although all these varieties are often just known as "kizomba" by the public. Suzanna Lubrano is one of the most successful among Cape Verdean performers considered in 2003 as the best African performer. Other known Cape verdeans are Gil Semedo, Philip Monteiro, Gama and Tó Semedo. Notable emigrant Capeverdean singers within this tradition live in The Netherlands and Portugal.
The Nha África - Paixão e Ritmo (mixed Portuguese and Portuguese Creole for My Africa, Passion and Rhythm) compilation album, launched in Portugal in 2005, is a successful collection of Angolan and Cape Verdean romantic kizomba songs. Other successful former release is Lusodance, Mussulo, Kizomba de Angola and Kizomba Dança comigo are also great choices as compilation
Due to the emigration of many Luso-Africans to Europe, Kizomba Dance has been taught and introduced in many club and club centres around the country and one of them is in Ateneu Dance Club.
How to Dance Kizomba
Kizomba Dance is danced in many clubs in Portugal, Angola, Cape Verde and São Tomé e Príncipe. Kizomba is danced in pairs. The man is the one who asks the woman to dance and he does it by extending his left hand to the woman to invite her to dance. The woman will accept the invitation if she wants to dance or she may reject the invitation if she does not want to dance. But in most cases, African woman (Angolans, Capeverdians, Sãotomeans and Mozambicanas) would accept the invitation if they are not engaged with boyfriends, specially when they are together in a club.
There are two ways of holding the partner/woman. First way, the man holds the right hand of the woman with his left hand. The woman grasps the man´s thumb tightly with her right hand in an upright position or holds it below the hips (which ever is more comfortable). The man´s right hand embraces the woman with his right palm holding the back of the woman right below the woman´s armpit. This will easy the man to drive the woman during the dance. The second way, both the man and the woman embrace each other. In this position, the man positions his right and left palms on the hips of the woman in order to allow him to drive the woman during the dance.
In the start of the dance, the man always start with his left leg and the woman always start with her right leg. The man always gives the signs of variations during the dance either by using his chest to push the woman backward, or uses his right hand to push woman´s back toward his position for man’s backward movements or uses his right hand to push the right or left hip of the woman for right or left movements. The man also uses his legs to push the woman´s leg in many types of movements.
Unlike Salsa or Samba, the foot of both the man and the woman are always in continuous contact with the ground. In most situations, the heads of both the man and the woman are held together, but this depends on how close their relations are (never try to force the woman´s head to get closer to the man´s head or never try to hold the woman tightly unless she lets you to do so, but in most cases this situation happens automatically without any command if the man can lead the dance).
40 Basic Steps Of How to Dance Kizomba
Following are some basic steps of Kizomba that I could catch during a 48 hours intensive course held in Ateneu, Restauradores, Portugal between 9-24 July 2007 and 10-25 September 2007. There are so many movements that can be developed once one knows the basic steps. The steps described below do not include most Semba Dance movements which are also very interesting to dance in Kizomba. But basically, the steps are as follows:
1. Basic One: One – Two (1 n 2) steps movement: The dancers lift the left and right legs interchangeably following the rhythm of the music. This basic step is also known as 1-2 basic steps. With this basic steps, one may move laterally, move forward, make a swing left to right or right to left or can also make a circle or can also just walk forward or backward at ones desire. In most cases, this basic step is used in the opening of the dance to sense the ability of the counterpart whether she/he can perform the dance well. In this step, the dancers hold each other tightly and do some artistic erotic movements by shaking ones hips laterally or frontally touching each other. Please note that in all steps, the man starts by moving the left leg and the woman starts by moving the right leg.
2. Basic Two: One – Two – Three (1-2-3 steps) movement: This is also known as a basic step. The man starts by moving his left leg forward (1st step), then follows by the right leg (2nd step), then followed by the left leg (3rd step). This completes the forward movement, then follows by backward movement by moving the left leg backward (1st step), followed by the right leg backward (2nd step) and close the movement with the left leg (3rd step). This completes the Basic 1-2-3 step.
3. Basic Three - Making a square with 1-2-3 steps movement: The man starts the Basic One and Basic Two movement to sense the counterpart´s ability to dance. Then when he starts to feel comfortable, then slowly turns the woman left side. This movement starts with Basic Two movement forward. So, instead of moving forward, the man turns the woman leftward in 1-2-3 step movement, then repeats the steps to move to rightward, then move rightward again then turns leftward, then leftward again, then the partners will end up in the first position. In this position, the partners may perform the simple Basic One or Basic Two movement. Most dancers in night clubs only perform the Basic One or Basic Two movements for the whole night.
4. Basic Four – Making a circle: with 1-2 steps movement: The man starts the Basic One movement (1-2 steps) to sense the counterpart´s ability to dance. Then when he starts to feel comfortable, then slowly turns the woman left side. This movement starts with Basic One movement forward. So, instead of moving forward or moving laterally, the man turns to the left slowly by advancing the left leg then swings to the right side leftward to form the circle. This circle can be made to turn left or right side depending on the comfortable feeling of the partners. This movement can be ended to continue with the Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement at any time when desired by the partners.
5. Simple Man Out (three steps): In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man pulls the woman right side to give space to the man to move freely forward beside the right side of the woman. The partners make the 1-2-3 steps movement forward then backward to return to the face to face stand to start the Basic Two 1-2-3 normal movement.
6. Man Out (three steps) with combination of two lateral steps: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man pulls the woman toward the man´s right side to give space to the man to move freely forward beside the right side of the woman. The man moves the left leg forward (1st step) followed by the right leg forward (2nd step), then the man opens the left leg laterally to make the 3rd step, then closes the leg to make the 1st step, then open the left leg again to make 2nd step, then moves the left leg forward to make the 3rd step, then move the left leg backward to start the Basic Two 1-2-3 backward movement normally and push back the woman from right to left to join the man face to face.
7. Man Out (two steps) with combination of leaning the woman leftward laterally then close with Woman Out Three steps: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man pulls the woman toward the man´s right side to give space to the man to move freely forward beside the right side of the woman. The man moves the left leg forward (1st step) followed by the right leg forward (2nd step), then moves the left leg forward (3rd step), then moves the left leg backward (4th step), then opens the left leg laterally by leaning the woman left side at one count (5th step), then moves the left leg toward the right leg (6th step), then moves the left leg backward (7th step), moves the right leg laterally (8th step), then moves the left leg forward to join the woman face to face.
8. Basic Two 1-2-3 with Variation A: Start with Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward, then backward, then the man moves the left leg forward to make 1st step, then moves the right leg forward (2nd step), then moves the left leg forward to make the 3rd step, then move it backward to make the 4th step, then move it again forward to make the 5th step, then moves backward to make the 6th step, then move the left leg backward to make the 7th step, then move the right leg backward to start with the Basic Two 1-2-3 backward movement normally.
9. Basic Two 1-2-3 with Variation B: Start with Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward, then backward, then the man moves the left leg forward to make 1st step, then moves the right leg forward (2nd step), then moves the left leg forward to make the 3rd step, then move it backward to make the 4th step, then moves the right leg toward 45º direction besides the woman right leg (5th step), moves the right leg backward (6th step), then moves the left leg toward 45º direction (7th step), moves it backward (8th step), then move the left leg backward to start with the Basic Two 1-2-3 backward movement normally.
10. Man Out (five steps) or Half Square movement: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, then the man moves his left leg leftward laterally by releasing himself from the woman (1st step), then moves the right leg half forward (2nd step), then joins the left leg with the right leg (3rd step), then opens the right leg laterally (4th step), then joins the left leg with the right leg by pulling the woman to face the man.
11. Man Out (seven steps) or One Square movement: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, then the man moves his left leg forward in 45º direction by pushing the woman forward with his chest (1st step), then moves the right leg forward normally (2nd step), then crosses the left leg to the right leg side (3rd step), moves the right leg backward (4th step), moves the left leg backward normally (5th step), crosses the right leg behind laterally leftward (6th step), then joins the left leg with the right leg by pulling the woman to face the man (7th step).
12. Woman Out (three steps): In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man moves his left leg laterally with half step (1st step), moves the right leg laterally half step (2nd step), joins the left leg with the right leg (3rd) and pulls the woman back in front of the man. This movement is done by turning the man´s body left side while moving his left leg laterally, the man pulls the woman´s body rightward with the man´s right hand and then pushes the woman´s body leftward to meet the man when he joins his left leg with this right leg. This step can also be done by moving only the woman's body while the man remains standing by just following the rhythm or the woman's body movement.
13. Woman Out (five steps): In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man moves his left leg laterally with half step (1st step), moves the right leg laterally (2nd step), moves the left backward (3rd), opens the right leg laterally (4th step), joins the left leg with the right leg and pushes the woman back in front of the man (5th step). This movement is done by turning the man´s body left side while moving his left leg laterally, the man pulls the woman´s body rightward with the man´s right hand and then pushes the woman's body leftward to meet the man when he joins his left leg with this right leg at the 5th step.
14. Woman Out (seven steps): This step is similar to the Man´s Seven Step out. The difference is in the movement where instead of the man pushing the woman forward with the man´s chest, he pulls and turns the woman rightward following the steps as the Man´s Seven Step.
15. Woman Out (seven steps) with leaning variation: This step is similar to the Man´s Seven Step out. The difference is in the movement where instead of the man pushing the woman forward with the man´s chest, he pulls and turns the woman rightward following the steps as the Man´s Seven Step. The variation is as follows: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man moves his left leg forward in 45º direction (1st step), moves his right leg forward by pulling the woman out rightward (2nd step), then crosses the left leg to the right leg side (3rd step), moves the right leg backward (4th step), moves the left leg laterally by leaning the woman left side (5th step), lifts the woman up (6th step), moves the left leg backward (7th step), moves the right leg laterally (8th step), then joins the left leg with the right leg by pulling the woman to face the man (9th step).
16. Women Out (nine steps) or Double Women Out Five Steps : This step is a combination or continuation of woman´s Out Five steps followed by Women Out Five Steps.
17. Women Out (eleven steps): This step is a combination or continuation of woman´s Out (Seven steps) followed by Women Out (Five Steps).
18. Women Out (thirteen steps): This step is a combination or continuation of woman´s Out Seven steps followed by Women Out Seven Steps.
19. Woman Out Right and Women Out Left (seven steps): This step is similar to Woman´s Out (Five Steps) rightward with combination of Women Out (Three Steps) leftward. In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man moves his left leg laterally with half step (1st step) by turning his body leftward, moves the right leg laterally (2nd step), moves the left leg backward (3rd), moves the right leg backward (4th step). At this step the man pushes the woman's left hip leftward, moves the left leg laterally (5th step), then moves the right leg forward (6th step), moves the left leg toward the right leg direction by joining the woman in front of the man (7th step).
20. Woman Out Right and Women Out Left (nine steps): This movement is the continuation of the Woman Out Left and Woman Out Left (Nine steps) by adding two more steps for the closing, namely: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, then the man moves his left leg laterally with half step (1st step) by turning his body leftward, moves the right leg laterally (2nd step), moves the left backward (3rd), moves the right leg backward (4th step). At this step the man pushes the woman's left hip leftward, moves the left leg laterally (5th step), then moves the right leg forward (6th step), moves the left leg backward (7th step), moves the right leg laterally (8th step), then move the left leg towards the right leg by joining the woman in front of the man (9th step).
21. Woman and Man Turn Left Side (in nine steps count): In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man moves his left leg forward (1st step), moves the right leg forward (2nd step) (at this movement the man holds the woman's right arm and pulls behind. The man turns left while moving his right leg forward and turns the woman leftward to the left direction). The man hits the ground with his left leg to make the 3rd step or just make a pause (3rd step), moves the right leg forward (4th step), moves the left leg forward (5th step), pushes the right hip of the woman to make a U-turn (6th step), moves the left leg backward (7th step), moves the right leg laterally (8th step), and then join the left leg to the right leg by turning the right hip of the woman to come in front of the man (9th step).
22. Woman and Man Turn Left Side (in nine steps count) combined with Woman Out (three steps): This movement is basically a Woman and Man Turn Left Side (In Nine steps count) closing with a Woman Out Three steps.
23. Man Right, Woman Left closed with Woman Out (three steps): In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps movement forward and backward, the man moves his left leg laterally (1st step), the man uses his left hand to turn the woman behind and uses his right hand to stop the left hip of the woman (2nd step) (At this stage the man stands at the left side of the woman looking behind the woman and the woman stands beside the left side of the man looking behind the man). The man moves his left leg forward (3rd step), moves the right leg forward (4th step), the man crosses his left leg behind his right leg by turning the woman to his right side (5th step), moves his right leg laterally (6th step), and then moves his left leg toward his right leg to complete the movement (7th step).
24. Tango Style or Pause Style with Man or Woman Out: In steps of Woman Out Three or Five steps or in Man Out Three or Five steps, can start the opening with a tango or a pause style. The man makes a start with the left leg for the 1st step then makes a tango pause for the 2nd step then either move the left leg forward to start a man´s out or makes a start forward to start a woman´s out.
25. Basic 1-2-3 Combined with Bend the Knees Down: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement, both the man and the woman just bend their legs down and up instead of making the 1-2-3 backward or forward movement, and then followed by the Basic Two 1-2-3 steps.
26. Woman Makes a U-Turn in two steps Turning Her Back to the Man: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement. The man swings the woman to his right side clockwise when he moves backward, and the woman follows the man by making two steps with her right leg swinging clockwise and left leg moving backward after making the U-Turn. At this stage, the man stands behind the woman and they can perform any movement as they like, then the man turns back the woman counter-clockwise when he makes three steps forward. This style is mostly danced with Semba rhythm.
27. Woman Makes a 360º Turn in three steps movement: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement. The man swings the woman clockwise when he moves backward, and the woman follows the man by making a 360º turn in three steps moving clockwise. This style is mostly danced with Semba rhythm.
28. Woman Makes a 360º Turn in three steps movement followed by Dancing A Circle behind the Man: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement. The man swings the woman clockwise when he moves backward, and the woman follows the man by making a 360º turn in three steps moving clockwise, then the man pulls the woman to dance a circle behind him. This circle should count nine steps. The man hits eight steps in his place and meet the woman at the 9th step to make a Basic One 1-2 steps or a Basic Two 1-2-3 step. When the woman makes the circle behind the man, she puts her right hand on the right hip of the man and moves leftward to meet the man´s left hand.
29. Woman Seats on the Left Thigh of the Man: : In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement. The man moves the left leg laterally (1st step), moves the right leg in 45º direction by pushing the woman´s left hip towards the man left hand to make the 2nd step (the woman moves right leg laterally (1st step), then moves her left leg forward (2nd step), then crosses her right leg with the left leg (3rd step), then seats on the left thigh of the man (4th step), then stands up (5th step), moves her left leg laterally (6th step) and joins her right leg with the left leg to count 7th step). The man moves his left leg laterally (3rd step), bend his knees for the woman to seat (4th step), stands up (5th step), moves the right leg laterally (6th step), then joins the left leg with the right leg to complete (7th step).
30. Man Out five steps with Right Leg Cross in the Beginning for Variation: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement. The man moves the left leg laterally (1st step), crosses the right leg behind the left leg (2nd step), moves the left leg forward (3rd step), moves the right leg laterally (4th step), moves the left leg backward (5th step), moves the right leg backward (6th step), and move the left leg forward half way (7th step) to join the woman face to face.
31. Man Out five steps with Left Leg Cross in the Middle for Variation: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement, the man makes the normal Man Out Five Steps, but at the forth step before joining the man´s left leg to the man´s right leg to form the 5th step, the man moves his left leg forward to make the 1st step, then moves his right leg forward (2nd step), then moves his left leg forward (3rd step), then crosses his right leg behind his left leg (4th step), moves his left leg backward still in cross position (5th step), moves right leg backward still in cross position (6th step), then moves his right leg laterally (7th step), moves his left leg forward to start a Woman Out Three steps.
32. Basic 1-2-3 Step with Cross in the beginning for Variation: In Basic Two 1-2-3 steps forward and backward movement, the man makes variation by crossing his right leg behind his left leg before continuing with the Basic 1-2-3 steps.
33. Crossing Styles: In Basic One 1-2 steps, the man moves his left leg forward and crosses his right leg behind his left leg, then moves his right leg forward, then crosses his left leg behind his right leg.
34. Crossing Styles as Opening for Man Out or Woman Out: Like the tango or pause style for opening. Crossing styles can also be used as opening steps before continuing with Man Out or Woman Out movements.
35. Man Out Five Steps Combined with Chacha Steps and vlose with Women Out three steps: At the forth step before finishing the Man Out Five steps, the man moves his left leg forward to make the 5th step, then moves the right leg forward (6th step), then he does the chacha movement as 7th and 8th step (this movement is done by moving his left leg forward followed by his right leg behind the left leg pushing the left leg forward to make the 9th step, then moves the left leg forward (10th step), moves the left leg backward (11th step), moves the right leg laterally (12th step), and joining the left leg with the right while pushing the woman left side to become face to face with the man (13th step).
36. Woman and Man Moving Left and Right Variation: In Basic Two 1-2-3 forward and backward movement, the man moves backward two steps (left and right), then makes another 1-2 steps at this place, then mark the 1st step on his place while turning himself to the left side, then move his right leg forward to make the 2nd step. At this movement the man turns left, but uses his hand to push the woman´s right hip toward his right hand direction, then moves his right leg forward, then moves his left leg backward (3rd step), then crosses his right leg behind his left leg (4th step), then moves the left leg forward (5th step), moves the right leg backward (6th step), cross the left leg behind the right leg (7th step), moves the right leg forward (8th step), and moves the left leg towards the right leg to complete the steps (9th step). Please note that this movement is fast and complicated. Only recommended for advanced dancers only.
37. Simple Pause movements: In Basic Two 1-2-3 forward and backward movement, the man moves his left leg forward then bends the woman behind in a pause movement to make the 2nd step, then stands up to complete the 3rd step. Then the man moves his left leg backward, then he bends backward in a pause movement to make the 2nd step then stands up to complete the 3rd step.
38. Woman Out Left Side three steps: In Basic Two 1-2-3 forward and backward movement, the man moves his left leg forward (1st step), crosses his right leg behind his left leg (2nd), and moves his left leg backward to join the woman in front of him
39. Woman Out Left Side five steps: In Basic Two 1-2-3 forward and backward movement, the man moves his left leg across his right leg while turning the woman out left side (1st step), moves his right leg backward (2nd step), moves his left leg backward (3rd step), moves his right leg forward (4th step), then moves his left leg toward the right leg to join the woman in front of him.
40. Tarraxinha or Terrachinha: This is basically a Basic One 1-2 movement in place where the partners hold each other tightly and doing simultaneous sensual and erotic rhythmic movements together. It will look so artistic if both the partners can shake their hips. This Terrachinha movement has been a target of criticism even in Angola due to its sensual, erotic and streap-tease like movements due to the fact that many youths are caught up dancing only Terrachina in a Kizomba rhythm without diversifying the dance into the rich and diverse movement in the Kizomba Dance.
*) Attended a 48 Hours Kizomba Master Class from the 9th – 24th July 2007 and 10th September 2007. The Kizomba Master Class comprises a 12 hours beginner’s class and a 12 hours intermediate class. It was held by the 1001 Danças Club in Ateneu, Rua Portas Santo Antão, 110 Restauradores, Lisboa, Portugal.
Now is attending a regular Kizomba Class at the same Institution from September 2007 two hours every week on every Tuesdays from 20.30 hours to 22.30 hours.
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It‘s the End of Oil World oil production is about to reach a peak and go into its final decline....
Cambodia is hardly unique. As oil prices hit record levels, multinationals are hunting for black gold in ever more unlikely places, and many Southeast Asian nations now are eagerly exploring new fields. Yet few seem to realize that rather than miracles, oil often brings misery, including the massive graft witnessed in some petroleum-rich African and Middle Eastern states.
Ten years ago, with a barrel of oil dipping to about $10, there was little interest in Southeast Asian petroleum, other than established deposits in Indonesia and Brunei. But now, global instability and rising demand from India and China have spiked oil prices to over $80 per barrel, and governments are nationalizing major fields from Russia to Venezuela. At the same time, as offshore technology improves, oil firms can hunt in deeper, tougher waters, like the Timor Gap between Australia and East Timor. So the region has exploded with oil fever. Vietnam plans to explore in seven offshore blocks, Malaysia this summer launched the deepwater Kikeh field, and Indonesia expects production from its vast Cepu oil field to start next year. East Timor could earn at least $10 billion from the Gap, and Burma has discovered offshore fields that could contain 2.5 trillion cubic feet (70.8 billion cubic meters) of gas.
But oil can lead to the "resource curse" — a government-connected élite profits, most people still suffer, and the economy winds up dependent on petroleum and facing inflation from rising oil revenues. Nigeria, for example, ranks in the top 10 of world oil exporters, yet 60% of Nigerians live below the poverty line, and the country's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has said that the government has stolen or wasted some $400 billion, a fair share of which presumably came from oil.
Many Asian countries could go Nigeria's way so far as oil is concerned. Cambodia, which is still recovering from the Khmer Rouge era, ranks near the bottom of Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, and does not possess the institutions to monitor how the government uses its new oil riches. East Timor's economy will have almost no other foundations — studies estimate over 90% of government revenues eventually will come from oil. Before its latest brutal crackdown on peaceful protestors, Burma's military regime already demonstrated such little concern for its people that it reportedly spent among the lowest on health care per person of any government on the planet. Hiding out in its new jungle capital Naypyidaw, the junta has not even suggested that oil money will benefit its people. While many oil companies support the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which pushes countries to explain how they spend petroleum money, Chinese oil giants, dominant in Burma, refuse to sign up. Even Brunei, a country that at least used decades of petroleum wealth to provide free health care, is not immune. Suckled on oil, Bruneians demonstrate minimal entrepreneurship, leaving the country with almost no industry when oil runs out, possibly within 20 years.
Some Southeast Asian governments seem to want to learn from the mistakes committed by other countries. East Timor has created a national petroleum fund to save revenues for future generations. Dili has also enlisted advisers from Norway, one of the best examples of putting black gold to good use, to manage its oil money. But noble intentions are not enough. East Timor NGOs worry that their country's oil laws are so vague that they open the door to mismanagement and skimming. A damning World Bank–Indonesia joint study earlier this year showed Indonesia was struggling to spend state funds on decent development projects.
Cambodia could be the biggest worry. Prime Minister Hun Sen has pledged to steer oil revenues toward poverty reduction, but his government has offered no clear plans of how it will ensure riches are spent wisely. The promise of wealth has already sparked a property boom in Phnom Penh, a possible early sign of inflation. In the future, no doubt, Cambodia's capital will boast even more classy French bistros. But it just might have more beggars, too.
With reporting by Joshua Kurlantzick is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the author of Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power is Transforming the World
At night, the streets of Phnom Penh reveal the country's vast wealth gap. In front of shopping centers selling luxury cosmetics, whole families sleep on patches of sidewalk; beggars missing limbs, a legacy of civil war, crowd outside upscale restaurants where a tiny élite downs French entrées and chic cocktails. But many average Cambodians hope this poverty will vanish, thanks to an apparent miracle: the country has discovered oil. Off Cambodia's southern coast, explorers have found as much as 500 million barrels, potentially providing over $1 billion annually to the country.
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It‘s the End of Oil World oil production is about to reach a peak and go into its final decline....
Cambodia is hardly unique. As oil prices hit record levels, multinationals are hunting for black gold in ever more unlikely places, and many Southeast Asian nations now are eagerly exploring new fields. Yet few seem to realize that rather than miracles, oil often brings misery, including the massive graft witnessed in some petroleum-rich African and Middle Eastern states.
Ten years ago, with a barrel of oil dipping to about $10, there was little interest in Southeast Asian petroleum, other than established deposits in Indonesia and Brunei. But now, global instability and rising demand from India and China have spiked oil prices to over $80 per barrel, and governments are nationalizing major fields from Russia to Venezuela. At the same time, as offshore technology improves, oil firms can hunt in deeper, tougher waters, like the Timor Gap between Australia and East Timor. So the region has exploded with oil fever. Vietnam plans to explore in seven offshore blocks, Malaysia this summer launched the deepwater Kikeh field, and Indonesia expects production from its vast Cepu oil field to start next year. East Timor could earn at least $10 billion from the Gap, and Burma has discovered offshore fields that could contain 2.5 trillion cubic feet (70.8 billion cubic meters) of gas.
But oil can lead to the "resource curse" — a government-connected élite profits, most people still suffer, and the economy winds up dependent on petroleum and facing inflation from rising oil revenues. Nigeria, for example, ranks in the top 10 of world oil exporters, yet 60% of Nigerians live below the poverty line, and the country's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has said that the government has stolen or wasted some $400 billion, a fair share of which presumably came from oil.
Many Asian countries could go Nigeria's way so far as oil is concerned. Cambodia, which is still recovering from the Khmer Rouge era, ranks near the bottom of Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, and does not possess the institutions to monitor how the government uses its new oil riches. East Timor's economy will have almost no other foundations — studies estimate over 90% of government revenues eventually will come from oil. Before its latest brutal crackdown on peaceful protestors, Burma's military regime already demonstrated such little concern for its people that it reportedly spent among the lowest on health care per person of any government on the planet. Hiding out in its new jungle capital Naypyidaw, the junta has not even suggested that oil money will benefit its people. While many oil companies support the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which pushes countries to explain how they spend petroleum money, Chinese oil giants, dominant in Burma, refuse to sign up. Even Brunei, a country that at least used decades of petroleum wealth to provide free health care, is not immune. Suckled on oil, Bruneians demonstrate minimal entrepreneurship, leaving the country with almost no industry when oil runs out, possibly within 20 years.
Some Southeast Asian governments seem to want to learn from the mistakes committed by other countries. East Timor has created a national petroleum fund to save revenues for future generations. Dili has also enlisted advisers from Norway, one of the best examples of putting black gold to good use, to manage its oil money. But noble intentions are not enough. East Timor NGOs worry that their country's oil laws are so vague that they open the door to mismanagement and skimming. A damning World Bank–Indonesia joint study earlier this year showed Indonesia was struggling to spend state funds on decent development projects.
Cambodia could be the biggest worry. Prime Minister Hun Sen has pledged to steer oil revenues toward poverty reduction, but his government has offered no clear plans of how it will ensure riches are spent wisely. The promise of wealth has already sparked a property boom in Phnom Penh, a possible early sign of inflation. In the future, no doubt, Cambodia's capital will boast even more classy French bistros. But it just might have more beggars, too.
With reporting by Joshua Kurlantzick is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the author of Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power is Transforming the World
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